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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Apart from the destruction of the two 1600 year old giant Buddhas by the Taliban in 2001, Bamiyan is both experiencing tremendous changes and facing complex issues regarding its evolution. At this point of time, it seems important to reflect on and question the orientation of this expanding development, as well as its likely effects from a field work perspective.
Located in Hazarajat, central Highlands, Bamiyan "city", 120km north-west of Kabul, is the capital of Bamiyan province and is composed of five districts(1). Bamiyan is also a valley, sandwiched between two high mountain ranges. This area is probably one of the most monoethnic regions of Afghanistan.
Unlike the rest of the Afghan population, the Hazara people, the third largest ethnic group in the country, are Shiite. This difference is central to their political and socio-economic marginalisation. Early in the 20th century, Hazara slave markets still existed. Even before the war in the 1960s, the scope of development in Bamiyan lagged significantly behind the other provinces. According to many Hazara people, ethnic discrimination lies at the heart of slow development in this province.
After 25 years of war, almost all the inhabitants of Bamiyan city can be considered IDPs (Internally Displaced People). Indeed from the Soviet attack to the withdrawal of the Taliban in 2001, the population of Bamiyan has been forced to flee several times. As a result most of the houses have suffered repeated damage, livestock and crops have been confiscated, especially during the Taliban period, who massacred large numbers of Hazara people just because they were Hazara.
One of the first difficulties encountered on conducting this study was identifying the limits of what is known as Bamiyan city. As a matter of fact, Bamiyan city does not officially exist: there are no official boundaries. Bamiyan city is defined by all the inhabitants and local stakeholders as a rural area, or at least as a mix between urban and rural. The concept of city has no clear signification for the population, or if it does they reduce it to the bazaar. Nevertheless, after consultation with the various local stakeholders, and the field visit, the twelve closest villages to the bazaar area (less than 20 minutes by car) have been selected as part of Bamiyan city. These villages are strongly connected to the economy of the bazaar. Yet, for the other villages located in remote areas (up to 1.5 hours from the bazaar), Bamiyan bazaar is also an important economic hub but their remote location and the lack of infrastructure prevents us from considering them as part of Bamiyan city. Hence, in the following report, Bamiyan city will refer to the bazaar and its twelve closest villages(2).
This study seeks to address the relevance of designing a master plan for Bamiyan's future development. The study highlights the difficulty of striking a balance between the need to cope with urgent livelihood issues and promote sustainable development. The situation in Bamiyan today illustrates all too well new linkages between rural and urban contexts. Evidently building a city conjures up a dream of modernity, a desire to reach higher degrees of development. Nevertheless the question remains as to whether building a city is the most appropriate response to enhancing livelihoods in Bamiyan? Furthermore how can development plans both preserve historical and cultural areas whilst also allowing for much needed economic development? Does Bamiyan still require an emergency approach or should the transfer over to a development approach be taking place? This analysis is based on a two-phase survey and field research conducted between July and October 2005.
Notes:
(1) Yakawlang, Panjab, Waras, Shibar and Bamiyan
(2) Cf. Figure 1