- The victims’ long wait in Bangui
- What Lubanga is not guilty of
- A sense of pride after Videla trial
A narrow path to legitimacy for the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL)
Judge Cotte: “We are making progress”*
Building up a polished image of peace and justice
Mladic: just another “false start”
ICC second case ends in the shadows of Lubanga’s trial
In or out - still no sense of justice
ICTY: Gotovina’s attack on Knin was “legal” (defence)
The smaller the fish, the bigger the rap
Charles Taylor says war crimes courts are tools of the West
“Dialogue is launched in Tunisia”
Beyond Taylor, “Where is our justice?”
by Janet Anderson, The Hague
Sierra Leone and Liberia experimented with very different paths to justice – restorative with truth commissions and retributive with the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) trials. How do local communities see this, following the conviction against former Liberian president Charles Taylor two weeks ago?
The only LRA trial in deadlock
by Mark Schenkel, Kampala
Compared to the vociferous campaign against Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) leader Joseph Kony, the silence surrounding the only LRA trial to date is deafening. Things are much quieter around Thomas Kwoyelo since his first court appearance in the town of Gulu in northern Uganda in July 2011.
Arrested three years ago in the DR Congo, Kwoyelo, a former LRA member, remains in detention, awaiting the outcome of a legal battle which will determine whether his trial will continue.
Shaping Kenya’s political landscape
ICC judges found last week there are grounds to believe prosecutors’ claims that a bloodthirsty ritual saw the leaders of Kenya’s Kalenjin tribe create a criminal network that swore to kill as many rival Kikuyu tribe members as possible. They also believe the country’s Deputy Prime Minister planned the Kikuyu’s revenge attacks.
Ouattara’s rampant justice
Losing civil parties in Cambodia
Soum Rithy spent two years of his youth being beaten and tortured in a Khmer Rouge jail between 1977 and 1979, after Pol Pot’s cadres mistook him for a soldier in the previous government. He saw his father die of disease exacerbated by the lack of modern medicine under the ultra-Maoist regime, while two brothers starved to death. His third brother, the youngest, had his throat cut by Khmer Rouge soldiers after he was caught stealing a papaya.
France & Rwanda on the reconciliation plane
Traditional methods of conflict prevention and management are increasingly regarded as a viable alternative in the truth and reconciliation process, aimed at avoiding the resurgence of violence in Ivory Coast.
By Selay Marius Kouassi, Abidjan
Traditional chiefs to the rescue
“We cannot follow the proceedings at the Rwanda tribunal in Butare.” Lambert has no money to travel to Tanzania to witness the trial against alleged genocide suspects from 1994. The Rwandan would have loved to see the delivery of judgement against Arsène Shalom Ntahobali. He saw him at the university, seventeen years ago. “I would not recognise his face anymore,” he says. “But many people remember his crimes.”
By Thijs Bouwknegt, Arusha/Butare
In Ivory Coast, the gap between rhetoric and reality is growing dangerously large. On paper, all seems to be heading in the right direction. There is a Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation Commission in place. Early June, the new government of president Alassane Ouattara declares it wants an end to impunity and justice for all.
The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) expressed concern Thursday about post-election violence in Nigeria and said his office would investigate whether crimes had been committed.
"The office of the prosecutor is closely following the situation in Nigeria and is concerned with the outbreak of violence surrounding the National Assembly and presidential elections of April 2011," a statement said.
In the most dangerous place in the world to be a girl or woman February 21 was a good day.
By Lisa Clifford, London
A military court in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo found nine soldiers guilty of rape and crimes against humanity, including the army colonel who ordered the attacks in the mountain top village of Fizi in South Kivu province. More than 50 women were sexually assaulted here in early January.
Lt Col Mutware Kibibi was convicted of ordering the rampage and also of rape.
The International Criminal Court has much work to do, especially since the landmark decision by the UN Security Council Saturday, to refer the case of Libya to the court. But how long will it take to prosecute suspects? A conversation with William Pace, Convenor of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC), a global coalition of 2,500 NGOs.
By Geraldine Coughlan, The Hague
Will the ICC have to investigate the situation in Libya now?
The referral by the UNSC does not automatically trigger an ICC investigation as the court operates independently of the UN.
"Life here is terrible. Our children are dying from the extreme cold. We are refugees in our own country," says a resident of the Ya Mumbi Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp in Kenya's Northern Rift valley region. Three years after violence swept the country following the December 2007 elections, Kenya clearly still struggles in its aftermath.
By Caasi Sagalai, Nairobi
Grace Wakio is one of the IDPs who lost her home during the violence, which left more than 1,300 dead and hundreds of thousands displaced.
Kenya expects the International Criminal Court this month to hand out six arrest warrants to alleged perpetrators of the country's post-election violence. Public speculation is rife, and the looming warrants are causing tension between Kenya's two main political parties.
By Claire Wachira, Nairobi
The ICC has indicated that the warrants would be out before Christmas.
Published on : 2 November 2010 - 1:52pm | By International Justice Tribune (IJT 116)
Commercially motivated pillage has taken on increasing importance in recent years as the illegal exploitation of natural resources has emerged as a primary means of financing conflict. But efforts to hold disreputable commercial actors responsible for war crimes or other serious human rights violations have been frustrated, frequently because of difficulties in proving corporate complicity.
Former Liberian president Charles Taylor, is in court to defend himself on 11 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity he allegedly committed in Liberia's neighbour to the west, Sierra Leone. Liberian media cover the trial extensively but Liberians are, to all intents and purposes, mere spectators. This trial is not about them. Liberia lacks a war crimes tribunal.
In the next few weeks, Rwanda will complete the most comprehensive post-conflict justice programme attempted anywhere in the world. Since 2001, 11,000 community-based gacaca courts, overseen by locally-elected judges and barring any participation by lawyers, have prosecuted around 400,000 suspected perpetrators of the 1994 genocide.
By Phil Clark
Nearly every Rwandan adult has participated in gacaca in some way, either as a witness, defendant or by attending weekly hearings.
War ended in Liberia almost seven years ago. It has left scars in the land and the people. The country is slowly recovering and questions regarding justice and impunity are being addressed - but not to everyone's satisfaction.
By Bram Posthumus
Harper, the capital of the Liberian county of Maryland, was a charming little town. Until 1990, when rebel troops entered. They killed, they raped, they looted and lived off the proceeds of the war whose central motto was: "Pay Yourself." The gang called itself the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL).
The Liberian Senate has for the second time rejected six individuals nominated by President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf to serve as commissioners on the Independent National Human Rights Commission of Liberia (INHCR).
The creation of the INHCR was mandated in 2005 to promote and protect human rights in post-conflict Liberia, and oversee implementation of the country's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) final report.