Ryland, Reidun; Tora Sagård; Peder Landsverk; Håvard Mokleiv Nygård; Håvard Strand; Siri Aas Rustad; Govinda Clayton; Claudia Wiehler & Valerie Sticher (2018) The Effects of Ceasefires in Colombian Peace Processes, Conflict Trends, 7. Oslo: PRIO.
Since 1989 there have been 27 ceasefires in Colombia, of which 21 were declared unilaterally
The on-going process between ELN and the government is the only peace process in Colombia that started with a bilateral ceasefire agreement
Klugman, Jeni; Marianne Dahl & Ingrid Vik Bakken (2018) The Women, Peace, and Security Index: A Global Index of Women’s Wellbeing, PRIO Paper. Oslo: PRIO.
Binningsbø, Helga Malmin; Marianne Dahl; Håvard Mokleiv Nygård & Michael Weintraub (2018)
El mayor de los esfuerzos para construir la paz después de más de 50 años de conflicto en Colombia se encuentra en una encrucijada. La pregunta de cuándo y cómo Colombia y los colombianos podrán concretar el dividendo de la paz sigue sin ser respondida. Que el acuerdo fomente o no una paz duradera depende en gran me-dida de las percepciones y vi-vencias de las personas en re-lación con el proceso paz.
Bakken, Ingrid Vik & Siri Aas Rustad (2018) Conflict Trends in Africa, 1989–2017, Conflict Trends, 6. Oslo: PRIO.
Dupuy, Kendra & Siri Aas Rustad (2018) Trends in Armed Conflict, 1946–2017, Conflict Trends, 5. Oslo: PRIO.
2017 was one of the most violent years since the end of the Cold War. While violence levels decreased slightly from the all-time high of 2016, non-state conflicts and internationalized intrastate conflicts continue to challenge the international community’s ability to achieve global peace.
Jumbert, Maria Gabrielsen; Rocco Bellanova & Raphaël Gellert (2018) Smart Phones for Refugees: Tools for Survival, or Surveillance?, PRIO Policy Brief, 4. Oslo: PRIO
Binningsbø, Helga Malmin & Cyanne Loyle (2018) Justice During Armed Conflict: Trends and Implications, Conflict Trends, 4. Oslo: PRIO.
Tønnesson, Stein & Marte Nilsen (2018) Still a Chance for Peace in Myanmar?, PRIO Policy Brief, 2. Oslo: PRIO.
Has Myanmar’s peace process Brief Points been derailed by the armed forces’ expulsion of Rohingya from northern Rakhine State? Or is there still a chance for peace?
Rudolfsen, Ida (2018) Food Insecurity and Unrest, Conflict Trends, 3. Oslo: PRIO
The fluctuations of food prices over the last decade have led to a renewed interest in the link between food and conflict, and changing climatic patterns have contributed to a concern that conflicts over food will become more profound in the future.
There is an emerging consensus that rising food prices increase the risk of unrest, but the suggested mechanisms vary. Clarity in the concepts of food insecurity and unrest and corresponding measurements will further advance the field.
Foreign aid has been the subject of increasing critique since the 1980s and there has been extensive research on aid effectiveness, particularly focusing on the impact of aid on aggregate economic growth. The scholarly literature remains inconclusive regarding the question of to what extent development aid actually works. One reason for these inconclusive results could be that the large majority of empirical investigations to date have relied on cross-country analyses.
This policy brief represents the first attempt to map the number of children living in conflict settings around the world. More than half of the world’s children live in a conflict-ridden country, and more worryingly, one in six children lives very close to a conflict zone – that is, less than 50 km from where the actual fighting takes place.
El 24 de noviembre de 2016, el Gobierno colombiano y las FARC firmaron un ambicioso Acuerdo de Paz, con el que dieron fin a más de cinco décadas de conflicto. A pesar de los múltiples obstáculos presentados, informes independientes indican que a la fecha varios de los componentes del Acuerdo han sido implementados según el cronograma establecido. No obstante, poco conocemos acerca de las actitudes de los ciudadanos hacia la implementación, especialmente en las zonas más afectadas por la violencia en el marco del conflicto armado.
El 24 de noviembre de 2016, el gobierno colombiano y las FARC firmaron un Acuerdo de Paz integral e revisado, tras el rechazo del Acuerdo inicial en el plebiscito . Informes independientes indican que a la fecha varios de los componentes del Acuerdo han sido implementados según el cronograma establecido. No obstante, poco conocemos acerca de las actitudes de los ciudadanos hacia la implementación, especialmente en las zonas más afectadas por la violencia en el marco del conflicto armado.
On November 24, 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC signed a revised, comprehensive peace agreement, following the rejection of the initial accords via popular referendum. Independent reports indicate that a number of the components of the agreement have been implemented according to schedule, yet we know little about public attitudes towards implementation, particularly in locations deeply affected by conflict-related violence. This paper examines support for individual provisions of the agreement and attitudes towards their implementation.
Given the transient nature of humanitarian assistance, durable solutions for forced displacement and exit strategies for humanitarian actors require careful engagement with a host state. This highlights a central challenge for the humanitarian sector: how to relate to states? Drawing on a case study of the Norwegian Refugee Council’s use of rightsbased approaches (RBA) in Colombia, this policy brief suggests that the importance of RBA in humanitarian aid lies in fostering the mutual dependency between beneficiaries and states.
This policy brief compares the patterns and dynamics of attacks on health services and aid workers. The patterns associated with these two types of irregular violence are similar, although the degree of attacks on medical services is much more severe.
At least 1500 medical personnel over the past four years have been killed – three times as many victims as among aid workers attacked.
Attacks on health services and aid workers are strongly associated with the intensity of armed conflict.
Given the AU’s understanding of the need for localised solutions, its facilitator role should be maximised.
BY LIEZELLE KUMALO AND AMANDA LUCEY
On the night between 14 and 15 April, 2014, 276 girls were kidnapped by Boko Haram from their school in Chibok in Borno State in Northeastern Nigeria. The Islamist terrorist group does not believe that girls should attend school, and these girls were targeted precisely because they were in school. However, conservative views on gender and education is only one reason why many girls in Northern Nigeria are missing out on education.
Research shows that the onset and recurrence of armed conflict is likely where high inter-group inequalities exist. Groups that have strong shared identities, a collective perception of ill treatment, and opportunities to take up arms are likely to use violence to rectify existing inequalities. Policy makers can take concrete steps to reduce group-level inequalities through measures that share political and economic power between groups, ensure the fair distribution of public goods and services, and recognize cultural identities.
2016 was the fifth most violent year in the world since the end of the Cold War. While violence levels were lower than in 2014 and 2015, ongoing conflicts with serious regional impacts are challenging the international community’s ability to ensure global peace.