Good morning Distinguished Participants,
Let me start by commending the Department of National Defence and the Canadian Armed Forces for convening this international conference marking the 25th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS). I am very happy to be in Canada which has always championed the WPS Agenda, one of the first countries to adopt a National Action Plan on WPS and for promoting it across multilateral forums including NATO, the UN, and the G7. I also would like to thank Ms. Ann Chamberlin for the warm welcome, and Rear Admiral Jacques Olivier for his insightful remarks.
Unfortunately, a quarter of a century since its adoption, it is only fitting that we “commemorate”, rather than “celebrate” Resolution 1325, given the grim reality of a world in the grip of crisis. Although there have been a number of successes in implementation, the reality is that as the world grows increasingly violent and militarized, the Agenda is facing profound challenges. Today, the WPS Agenda must navigate a rapidly shifting and deeply fractured global landscape. Since 2000, the nature of conflict in certain regions is qualitatively different and the content of what we mean by “peace” and “security” is also evolving. This ever-changing and ever-evolving reality poses major dilemmas for the four pillars of Security Council Resolution 1325.
However, the WPS Agenda is not a finished project – but a constantly evolving and changing framework and knowledge system. Accordingly, this milestone presents us with a critical opportunity to assess a quarter-century of implementation, to build on progress, not rest on it, to reflect on how the WPS Agenda can evolve and strengthen its impact, ensuring it lives up to its transformative promise in the face of mounting adversity. From the perspective of my mandate, it is an opportunity to evaluate what works in operational environments and chart the strategic course forward for preventing conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) which, after all, is the promise of the WPS Agenda.
The strategic threat assessment
Like bullets, bombs, and blades, sexual violence is a weapon of war.
We are going through a period of great global turbulence with a record of conflicts since World War II. My mandate now covers 21 countries, highlighting a global scope of crisis. Over 676 million women – almost 1 in every 6 women worldwide – live within 50 kilometers of deadly conflict zones. In 2024 alone, despite security and access challenges, the UN verified more than 4,600 cases of conflict-related sexual violence – an 87 percent increase from 2022. Women and girls accounted for 92 percent of these victims, with ages ranging from 1 to 75 years old. At the same, we know this data remains a chronic undercount, reflecting incident reports, rather than the scale and magnitude of actual incidents, as most cases never reach a clinic, let alone a courtroom.
Sexual violence has become a weapon of choice for a simple tactical reason – it is cheap, silent, and effective in achieving core strategic and operational objectives of those who wage wars. Sexual violence in conflict is neither cultural nor sexual. It is a war crime. It is a calculated strategy, with clear tactics underpinning these crimes. And critically for military leaders**, it is preventable.** If it is commanded, it can be controlled. It only thrives where the will of leadership is lacking, where law and order break down, where discipline falters and where impunity prevails. To stop it, military leaders must approach the problem from an operational perspective, just as they do to every other operational challenge encountered and enforce strict discipline and accountability. Sexual violence cannot be tolerated, clear rules, zero tolerance, and swift punishment are essential. Leaders must maintain order, provide training on human rights, and build a culture of respect and responsibility. Prevention depends on strong leadership and an unyielding commitment to uphold the rule of law within the ranks.
Unfortunately, national security actors – those very institutions who bear the primary responsibility to protect their populations – are often among the worst perpetrators of violations against their own citizens. Against this backdrop, the preventive role of security sector actors could not be more important or central to the overall response to CRSV. Hence, addressing conflict-related sexual violence must be understood as a core security sector reform priority.
Legal framework and command authority
My mandate was established through the adoption of Security Council Resolution 1888 in 2009, building upon Resolution 1325. In doing so, the Council affirmed that sexual violence constitutes a legitimate threat to international peace and security, requiring an operational security and justice response. Since then, we have witnessed a fundamental shift in how this problem is understood. The circle of stakeholders has expanded beyond traditional gender experts to engage military commanders, uniformed peacekeepers, ceasefire monitors, military justice officials, and security sector reform practitioners. A robust compliance regime is now in place. The NATO Military Guidelines on the Prevention of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, endorsed in 2016, explicitly reference NATO’s role in reinforcing the monitoring and reporting arrangements established by Security Council Resolutions 1960 and 2106. Security Council Resolution 1960 also established the monitoring, analysis and reporting arrangements (MARA) on conflict-related sexual violence. These arrangements should consider the specificity of each country and ensure a coherent and coordinated approach at field-level. The purpose of MARA is to ensure the systematic gathering of timely, accurate, reliable, and objective information on conflict-related sexual violence. MARA draws on information gathered from a variety of sources, including local government authorities and institutions, health and psychosocial service providers, UN Civilian, Police and Military Peacekeeping presences, UN Country Team actors, local and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society organisations, religious institutions and faith-based networks. However, as the MARA system evolves, it is critical that we consider how to access information specifically from security sector structures, particularly as it relates to the profiles and chains of command of conflict parties, and how to leverage such information to effect behavior change. Information from MARA is used to promote appropriate and timely action to prevent and respond to conflict-related sexual violence; inform strategic advocacy; enhance prevention and programmatic responses for survivors; and contribute to the development of comprehensive strategies to combat sexual violence at country-level.
These are not merely policy documents. They provide concrete operational guidance for commanders at all echelons, establishing clear expectations for compliance and accountability.
The human cost of CRSV is huge and the trendlines are worsening. Sexual violence is becoming more brutal
Wartime rape is increasingly followed by lethal violence to silence victims before their experiences become evidence of war crimes. We are witnessing a deliberate tactic to eliminate witnesses. In Sudan and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, we have documented cases of women being killed after rape, with a level of cruelty beyond comprehension.
Survivors share harrowing accounts which are captured in the last report of the Secretary-General.
In South Sudan, during clashes between Azande and Balanda communities, women and girls were forced to witness executions of male family members, then gang raped and held in sexual slavery. We documented 260 victims, the highest number in Western Equatorial State.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, hostilities between Armed Forces and M23 propelled mass displacement. Service providers registered over 17,000 victims between January and May in North Kivu alone, many suffering after violent sexual attacks by multiple perpetrators.
In the Sudan, amid the world’s largest displacement crisis, we documented cases of women and girls being raped during city invasions, in displacement sites, and while fleeing, some abducted and held for days or months. Non-Arab women, particularly Masalit, were systematically targeted based on ethnic identity.
In Ukraine, Russian armed forces, law enforcement, and penitentiary staff perpetrated rape, castration threats, genital mutilation, electric shocks, and forced nudity in 50 official and 22 unofficial detention facilities. Ukrainian prisoners of war were subjected to systematic sexual violence at all stages of captivity.
In Myanmar, amid 1.5 million displaced persons, sexual violence by Myanmar armed forces continued during military operations, at checkpoints, and in detention. Women were raped and killed. Bodies were found with objects inserted into genitals – crimes committed to punish and induce terror.
In Haiti, organized criminal groups consolidated control through systematic sexual violence. The UN verified 708 victims – 523 girls, 142 women, 43 boys. One incident alone involved 23 women kidnapped and raped by a single criminal group.
The unacceptable reality confronting us is that national security actors – institutions bearing primary responsibility to protect populations – are sometimes among the worst perpetrators. Over 70 percent of parties listed in the report are persistent perpetrators, appearing for five years or more without implementing preventive measures.
Yesterday force protection and mission effectiveness were thoroughly discussed
Indeed, over the years, we have witnessed not only the devastation that sexual violence inflicts on individuals and communities, but also the transformative impact that professional, well trained and accountable security institutions can have in preventing it. With boots on the ground, you are often the first line of defense for the survivors. The physical presence of gender sensitive personnel is a powerful deterrent to those who would commit sexual violence.
Some concrete operational examples include efforts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, UN peacekeeping personnel escorting women to market deter rogue armed groups from attacking. This is forcing protection in practice – presence with purpose.
In South Sudan, twilight patrols equipped to assess situations through a CRSV lens recognize early-warning indicators. Working with communities to identify risks doesn’t just protect civilians, it builds the intelligence networks and community trust that enhance force security.
As former SRSG Alan Doss urged: “Protection is more than military boots on the ground. It’s about how you use them, and how you connect with civilian staff.” The uniform should represent integrity and respect for human rights; it should inspire confidence and build trust among communities. It is an aspiration embodying the highest standards of discipline, accountability, and moral strength. Especially in preventing conflict-related sexual violence, the uniform should symbolize a steadfast commitment to zero tolerance, strong leadership, and the rule of law. Wearing the uniform means accepting the responsibility to uphold these ideals, to protect dignity, and to ensure that such violence never thrives within the ranks. It is a powerful symbol of the values we strive to live by every day.
Accountability as strategic deterrence
Ensuring those who commit, command, or condone sexual violence are held accountable is critical to deterrence and prevention. Through Joint Communiqués with state parties and Action Plans with their military and police forces, we drive internal accountability. This entails:
- Adoption of zero tolerance policies that insist on discipline
- Issuance and enforcement of command orders prohibiting sexual violence
- Training military justice actors to investigate and prosecute
- Commanders signing undertakings to reinforce individual and command responsibility
- Creating specialized units for sexual violence cases
- Considering these undertakings as requirements for promotion and deployment
Some armed forces have committed to this standard. The message is clear: there are consequences, and this matters for career progression.
In 2024, we witnessed significant gains in terms of accountability:
In Guinea, former President Moussa Dadis Camara and seven high-ranking officials were convicted of crimes against humanity, including sexual violence – though the March 2025 presidential pardon raises serious concerns.
In Colombia, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace attributed responsibility for child recruitment and sexual violence to six former FARC-EP secretariat members.
In South Sudan, with UN support, the General Court Martial convicted two South Sudan People’s Defence Forces elements for rape, sentencing them to 14 and 10 years, stripping their ranks and dismissing them from service.
However, accountability remains the exception. In the majority of settings, continuing conflict and lack of political will curtail accountability processes.
It is time to move from doctrine to operations
Today, we have expertise. We have solid normative frameworks and robust institutional architecture.
It is critical that sexual violence considerations must be integrated into:
- Security Sector Reform processes
- Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration programmes
- Ceasefire monitoring and verification
- Counter-terrorism approaches and strategies
Experience demonstrates that sexual violence can only be addressed comprehensively when national authorities, both political leaders and security sector commanders at the highest levels, commit to lead the response.
The NATO Military Guidelines indicate that NATO operations may facilitate engagement between the UN and parties to conflict to gain concrete commitments for prevention. Strategic and operational cooperation between NATO and the UN in common priority settings, such as Iraq and Afghanistan historically, represents opportunity to deepen repertoires of national security forces on CRSV prevention.
Emerging operational concerns
Several trends demand our urgent attention:
Detention settings: Sexual violence as torture continues in detention in Israel, Palestine, Libya, Myanmar, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine, and Yemen. Most incidents against men and boys occur in detention in the form of rape, threats of rape, electrocution and beating of genitals. This will require further expansion of security sector stakeholders to include corrections and penitentiary personnel.
Armed criminal groups: In Haiti, Colombia, Myanmar, and elsewhere, organized criminal groups and transnational networks use sexual violence to gain and consolidate control over territory and resources. The proliferation of small arms directly fuels these violations.
Abduction and trafficking: Women and girls abducted in Burkina Faso, the DRC, Nigeria, Mozambique, and Sudan are subjected to sexual slavery, sometimes held for months. In Nigeria, abductions incentivize fighter recruitment. Addressing cross-border dimensions of sexual violence requires other security sector personnel, such as border guard forces.
Displacement: Displaced women and girls face heightened risks of sexual violence including trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. We are seeing this trend in the Sudan which has triggered the world’s largest displacement crisis. In Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, where over 1 million Rohingya refugees reside, trafficking is rife.
Another disturbing trend observed is the attacks on first responders: Humanitarian workers, UN personnel, and human rights defenders which reached unprecedented levels, curtailing monitoring, service provision, and pursuit of justice.
Call to action: translating commitments to compliance
We must translate commitments into compliance and enter an era of enforcement. No one can do everything, but everyone can do something. I urge each of you to consider contributions within your respective roles:
For operational commanders:
- Integrate CRSV early-warning indicators into intelligence preparation and mission planning
- Use presence strategically for protection
- Build relationships with Women’s Protection Advisors (WPAs) in your area of operation, including the sharing of information to enhance the MARA system as a basis of engaging state and non-state parties to conflict
- Recognize that discipline and adherence to laws of war builds credibility and contributes to mission success
- Embed CRSV prevention in pre-deployment training, rules of engagement, and SOPs
- Consider the NATO Military Guidelines as operational guidance across the alliance
For military justice officials:
- Strengthen investigative capacity and prosecutorial expertise
- Establish specialized units
- Make accountability swift and visible
- Support efforts like Ukraine’s specialized CRSV unit in the Prosecutor General’s Office
For strategic leaders:
- Use institutional weight to advocate with national authorities
- Foster national ownership with concrete benchmarks
- Consider CRSV prevention as criteria for promotion and deployment
- Engage Senior Enlisted Leaders to translate strategic decisions into operational instructions
For NATO and multilateral institutions:
- Facilitate links between UN actors and specific commanders
- Support NATO training missions, like those in Iraq, to enhance national forces’ CRSV prevention capacity
- Consider CRSV as Agenda items in UN-NATO Staff Talks
- Implement NATO’s CRSV Policy with appropriate synergies
For all military personnel:
- Understand that your conduct sets the standard
- Your discipline, protection of civilians, adherence to laws of war – this wins hearts and minds and contributes to mission success
At this critical juncture, 25 years after Resolution 1325, we must turn political momentum into solutions on the ground. This requires military and security sector leaders to bring the full weight of their institutions behind this Agenda. Member States have committed in the Pact for the Future to take concrete steps to eliminate and prevent the full range of human rights violations and abuses experienced by women and girls in armed conflict, including conflict-related sexual violence.
We have the frameworks. We have the evidence of what works. What we need now is implementation.
Only then will we realize our ultimate aim: saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war.
Thank you.