Attachments
This statement has been drafted in consultation with a wide range of NGOs.
Overview The region continues to face a deteriorating protection environment for millions of displaced people, driven by increasingly restrictive policies that contradict international human rights standards and international law. Colombia, Mexico, Ecuador, Venezuela, Haiti, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Honduras remain at the epicenter of overlapping crises. These perpetuate cycles of distress for both internally displaced persons and those forced to flee their countries.
The conditions in transit and host countries have further undermined the ability to respond effectively to the needs of displaced populations. Meanwhile, looming changes in US border and migration and asylum policies1 are challenging regional governments’ willingness and capacity to uphold protection frameworks. While mixed movements saw significant decreases in 2024, 2 protection risks have surged,
driven primarily by increased barriers to regularization in first countries of arrival, more border control measures, and the growing influence of organized crime along migration routes.
Internal displacement in Colombia, Haiti, Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, and Ecuador persists as conflict and violence worsen, with civilians increasingly targeted. Recent research reveals that by October 2024, over 80,000 people in Ecuador were internally displaced due to violence, while Haiti’s internal displacement crisis has escalated, affecting more than one million people.
Particularly alarming for NGOs are the barriers to accessing legal protection in destination countries, the protection risks experienced by forcibly displaced persons —including sexual violence and the rising incidence of gender-based violence—as well as extortion, theft, disappearances, and deaths6 in transit countries.
Regularization in destination countries has become more challenging
In destination countries, forcibly displaced persons face increasing barriers to regularization, while asylum systems remain deficient, often due to a lack of political will. Although some countries have implemented regularization processes, they impose requirements that are impossible for many to meet.
These include the obligation to have entered the country regularly, by a specific date, or to possess valid passports or identification documents, among other restrictions. In addition, some countries are overwhelmed by the number of asylum claims received and/or do not facilitate the right to seek asylum, for instance through lengthy and heavily bureaucratic processes, impeding applicants from working while their claim is being reviewed (pushing them to opt for applying for a regularization process), and/or rejecting most applications (for instance, Panama’s approval rate is below 2%). NGOs consider that temporary protection granted to refugees and migrants in certain countries should not replace more stable or long-term forms of international protection.
Refugees and migrants are facing multiple protection risks along routes During transit, reports suggest an increase in kidnaps, robbery, extorsion, abuse (on occasions committed by authorities), and violence, including sexual violence. 7 Such risks have been widely reported in the Darién Gapand Mexico but are not limited to these locations. Many who are forced to rely on smugglers or criminal groups to facilitate their journey have been abandoned, left to die, or trafficked. According to recent data, 8 a high percentage of people interviewed reported having been victims of some type of violence during transit: Peru 78%, Ecuador 73%, Mexico 60%, Colombia 32% and Panama 31%. Physical violence is documented in all countries but is particularly notable in Ecuador (37%). Widespread violence in the country has a direct impact on the refugee and migrant population.
Theft or property damage is highly prevalent in Mexico (36%) and Peru (34%). In Mexico, 25% of the people who experienced violence during their entry were victims of kidnapping. In general, routes are often isolated or militarized, increasing refugees’ and migrants’ vulnerability to human trafficking, sexual violence, and disappearances. Women and girls are particularly vulnerable to these protection risks. In the Darién Gap, NGOs have reported widespread sexual violence, with armed groups detaining up to 200 people at a time and subjecting them to abuses ranging from groping to rape.Exposure to gender-based violence has worsened Unfortunately, gender-based violence and inequality have sharply increased, driving forced displacement and posing significant risks to women and girls both during their journey and upon arrival in destination countries. In this region, the lack of gender-sensitive data means that the specific needs of displaced women remain largely unseen.10 Women often flee their countries of origin to escape gender-based violence. NGOs have reported that violence perpetrated by family members, gangs, and drug traffickers forces many women, girls, and LGBTIQ+ individuals to leave El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Sexual violence is frequently used as a tool to assert control over territories and populations, with gang members punishing women, girls, and their families for not complying with their demands.11 In Central America, fewer than 10% of gender-based violence cases lead to convictions.12 Unable to find protection in their communities, many women, girls, and LGBTIQ+ individuals are compelled to cross borders in search of safer environments.
However, only six countries in the region currently recognize gender-based violence as grounds for refugee status, underscoring the urgent need for broader legal reform.13 Many women in mixed movement flows are forced to take dangerous routes due to barriers in accessing regular pathways and asylum processes, compounded by a lack of documentation and resources. These routes, often isolated or militarized, significantly increase their vulnerability to human trafficking, sexual violence, and disappearance. Since 2014, IOM has registered 1,372 deaths of women along migration routes.14 NGOs have documented numerous cases of Venezuelan women and girls who, through deception and false promises of work, are trafficked to other countries—particularly Colombia and Trinidad and Tobago—for exploitation, primarily sexual.15 In the U.S.-Mexico border, NGOs have reported a rise in consultations for sexual violence, with most victims being women.16 Unfortunately, services for women and girls during their journey remain minimal, with only 39% of gender-based violence service providers in Central America located within a 1-kilometer radius of transit routes.17 The risk of gender-based violence and inequality also persists in destination countries. A study found that 35% of displaced women felt insecure due to the threat of violence, with key risk factors including xenophobia (31%), lack of economic opportunities (19%), and lack of information (16%). Public spaces (54%), the home (21%), and the workplace (10%) were identified as the most dangerous locations.18 Additionally, displaced women face precarious conditions due to unpaid care work and gender-based barriers in employment. According to UN Women, 74% of women on the move work in the care sector, with 40% being overqualified.19 Women-led organizations have raised concerns about the lack of a gender-sensitive approach in refugee status determinations (RSD), noting that women are disproportionately disadvantaged when applying for asylum.Gender stereotypes and revictimization permeate state practices during asylum proceedings, resulting in women not receiving a fair hearing.20 NGOs are concerned that decision-makers fail to adopt a gender-sensitive approach when considering specific information about a country or region of origin in determining women's asylum claims. They are also worried about the U.S. administration’s executive order, “Defending Women from the Extremism of Gender Ideology and Restoring Biological Truth in the Federal Government,” particularly its impact on trans and non-binary refugees and asylum-seekers.
The order defines sex as an immutable biological classification of male or female, dismissing “gender identity” as a subjective concept.
As states and the UN reaffirm their commitment to gender equality through the Beijing +30 process, women-led organizations urge the incorporation of forced displacement into this framework. NGOs call for the adoption of an intersectional and differentiated human-rights-based approach to forced displacement across all stages—origin, transit, destination, and return.
Haiti at a crossroads with more than one million displaced Haiti is facing escalating violence, insecurity, and political instability, with armed groups controlling 90% of the capital and creating war-like conditions. These groups have attacked hospitals,21 schools, churches, transportation hubs,22 and key roads, restricting movement and supply chains.23 Children are among the most affected, facing forced recruitment into armed groups and making up a quarter of the more than one million people forced to flee their homes.24 The violence worsens human rights violations, hunger, and access to essential services like water, sanitation, and healthcare.25 Beginning with the earthquake in 2010, that killed an estimated 300,000 people, Haitian displacement has transformed to span the entire hemisphere. Although Haitians now make up a significant proportion of migrants and asylum-seekers in numerous countries in the Americas, they face limited protections and restrictive policies that prevent status regularization,26 linguistic barriers, and anti-Black racism.27 Despite UNHCR issuing updated international protection considerations for Haitians28 in 2024 and recognizing their significant protection needs, few countries in the Americas have expanded protections for Haitians accordingly. Given the current situation in Haiti, countries that have adopted the Cartagena Declaration, which broadens the definition of refugee, can and should extend refugee protection to Haitians—yet only Mexico has done so.29 Furthermore, the protection paradigm in the Americas remains centered around Spanish-speaking displaced people; comparable resources must be provided to populations speaking other languages, including Haitian Creole. The lack of interpretation limits access to protections and to policy-making spaces, including those that purport to value the participation of those directly affected.
Even while conditions in Haiti worsen, Haitians seeking safety are being met with diminishing protections and pathways to relief, and increased hostility in destination countries. In recent years, the Haitian population has been subjected to a significant increase in ethno-racial violence and vitriol, exacerbated by restrictive immigration policies in the United States and the Dominican Republic. These measures have not only reduced the possibilities of regularization and access to international protection but have also generated conditions that expose Haitians to discrimination, abuse, and mass deportations.
Countries like the U.S. and the Dominican Republic are suspending30 and terminating31 protections for Haitians. The mass deportations occurring at this moment in the Dominican Republic illustrate some of the worst rights violations Haitians are experiencing32 and are the tip of the spear of a region-wide failure to protect them.
Dominican authorities deported more than 276,000 people to Haiti in 2024, with close to 100,000 deportations occurring since October 2nd when the government announced plans to deport up to 10,000 people per week.33 As a result of this targeted increase in deportations, Haitian immigrants and those of Haitian descent are increasingly living in a state of terror. Dominican authorities have routinely dragged people out of their homes and dropped them off at the border with nowhere to go34. Children have been separated from their families, detained in inhumane conditions, and deported to Haiti35, where they are particularly vulnerable to violence and forced recruitment by armed groups. NGOs have reported that pregnant, lactating, and postpartum women have been targeted for detention and deportation at maternity wards and hospitals36. We urge states and the international community to call on the Dominican government to end deportations and ensure that policies comply with international law and respect human rights and are in line with states’ non-refoulement obligations.37 New mass displacement in El Catatumbo, Colombia Thousands of lives have been shattered by renewed conflict in Colombia, with displacement surging across the southwest, northwest, and northeast of the country. The border region of Catatumbo is a stark example of this crisis. Since January 16, about 52,000 people have been forced to flee their homes and over 50 have died, as fighting between armed groups escalates. An additional 27,000 remain confined, meaning their freedom of movement is restricted as part of armed groups’ war strategy. 38 These individuals face grave threats, and their urgent need for life-saving humanitarian aid remains unmet due to their circumstances. The current levels of violence and displacement are unprecedented in Colombia in recent decades. This alarming situation coincides with the termination of U.S. funding and uncertainty about its future continuation.
Impact of recent U.S. policy changes for refugees and asylum seekers Recently, the U.S. administration has enacted sweeping policy changes that severely restrict asylum protection. These measures expand Department of Homeland Security (DHS) authority, undermining the right to seek asylum under U.S. and international law.39 Additionally, the military has been deployed to increase detention capacity, guard the border, and expedite deportations. These policies will harm millions of vulnerable people fleeing persecution and violence.
At the U.S.-Mexico border, a reinstalled policy allows DHS to apprehend and expel asylum-seekers back to Mexico (known as MPP), where they face organized crime and lack access to essential services.
Once expelled, they cannot apply for asylum in the U.S. Additionally, the cancellation of CBP One appointments has closed ports of entry, blocking legal pathways for hundreds of thousands of asylumseekers. The U.S. has also terminated humanitarian parole for people from crisis-affected countries, including Venezuela, Haiti, and Nicaragua, jeopardizing the legal status of over one million people already in the country who were previously allowed to live, work, and seek asylum. Additionally, the most recent agreements related to deportation between the U.S. and Central American countries pose a serious threat to the human rights of thousands of people in need of international protection.
Given this scenario, NGOs anticipate that thousands will face heightened risks and a lack of essential services once these policies are fully enforced at the U.S.-Mexico border, with broader impacts across the region.
U.S. funding aid termination jeopardizes humanitarian efforts Furthermore, the executive order “Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid”40 imposed an immediate 90-day pause on humanitarian and development assistance, abruptly halting the disbursement of U.S. funds to foreign countries, NGOs, UN agencies, and contractors. U.S. financial support has been crucial for humanitarian aid, reception and integration services, and the strengthening of asylum systems in the region. Despite several court rulings, the recent termination of programs will hinder civil society organizations’ ability to provide humanitarian assistance, further exacerbating ongoing humanitarian crises. As the largest institutional donor in the region, the U.S. accounted for 75.1% of the funding channeled through the seven coordinated plans in 2024, 41 nearly twice the global average U.S. contribution.
NGOs across the region are deeply alarmed by the immediate impact on life-saving programs and the long-term consequences of this termination. This situation has already forced humanitarian actors to drastically scale back or suspend critical assistance, including food assistance, healthcare, WASH, shelter, and protection services, leaving millions of vulnerable people without support.Recommendations NGOs would like to focus the attention of UNHCR and Member States on the following recommendations:
• Governments must ensure that irregular entry and stay of people in transit are not criminalized or subject to administrative or civil penalties. They must cease detention practices and ensure access to information and protection mechanisms, including documentation, international protection, and regularization.
• UNHCR should urge governments to enhance protections for internally displaced people and uphold their rights, particularly in countries with policy gaps in recognition, prevention, protection, and assistance.
• UNHCR and governments should continue to strengthen the meaningful participation of civil society and refugee-led organizations in cooperation mechanisms. With the expected changes in the R4V Platform (a platform for regional coordination on refugees and migrants from Venezuela), ensuring their involvement at all decision-making levels is essential. Additionally,
UNHCR should support the effective participation of civil society in the implementation and monitoring of the Chile Plan of Action.
• As should be done for all people seeking asylum who meet the definition under the 1984 Cartagena Declaration, governments must extend meaningful and accessible refugee protection to Haitians and others. Expanding the definition of refugee to ensure the protection of those fleeing generalized violence and human rights violations is an important first step.
• UNHCR must redouble its efforts to engage with Dominican authorities—and any other country currently deporting people to Haiti—for a moratorium on deportations to Haiti, emphasizing the country’s worsening humanitarian crisis UNHCR must work with the Dominican government to establish clearer asylum procedures and ensure fair assessments for people needing protection.
• Governments must incorporate gender-based persecution into their refugee laws and asylum procedures and ensure effective programs to address gender-based violence affecting women, girls, and LGBTIQ+ individuals.
• The U.S. administration must ensure that its migration and asylum policies comply with the principle of non-refoulement, in accordance with international law and domestic legislation.
Additionally, it is essential to resume foreign aid funding, particularly for life-saving interventions that support forcibly displaced people.
To conclude, we believe it is crucial to continue promoting the principles of solidarity, international cooperation, shared responsibility, and intersectionality. We also emphasize the importance of recognizing the positive contributions of forcibly displaced people through a discourse centered on human dignity and the protection of human rights.