Sudan: Briefing Document on Darfur

Background

Conflicts in Darfur between settled farmers and nomads moving south in search of water and pastures have been commonplace for centuries. During the 1980s and '90s these conflicts intensified, aggravated by drought, the influx of arms from wars in neighbouring countries, and the arming of "Arab" tribesmen. Low-intensity conflict continued until early 2003, when a number of interacting factors including ethnic conflict, an increase in armed robberies and a perception of Darfur marginalisation, led to the formation of two political and military resistance movements, the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM).

This uprising was met with a heavy-handed military intervention by Government-backed militia called the Janjaweed which are accused of committing gross atrocities against the indigenous population of Darfur. Over the past 19 months, an estimated 50,000 people have been killed, women and girls are habitually raped, and villages and crops have been burned and looted. 1.4 million people have been displaced from their homes and have moved into makeshift camps within the three provinces of west, north and south Darfur and over 200,000 have fled across the border in Chad.

While the situation in Darfur urgently needs resolving, it is critical that due attention is simultaneously given to the North-South Sudan peace process, which is currently at risk of stalling. Any peace agreement reached for Darfur must be workable in terms of the North- South peace process if Sudan as a whole is to recover from 21 years of civil war.

Current Situation in Darfur

The humanitarian situation remains at crisis level. An estimated 10,000 people are dying each month from hunger and disease and according to the UN the worst is yet to come. According to the WHO Mortality Survey Darfur Sudan (Sept. 2004), death rates continue to exceed the threshold for a humanitarian emergency. The crude mortality rate used to define a humanitarian crisis is one death per 10,000 people per day. In West Darfur the mortality rate was 2.9, while in North Darfur it was 1.5. There is a serious lack of adequate shelter and access to water and sanitation facilities.

The majority of the 1.4 million displaced people have had all their assets and belongings destroyed or looted during the conflict. This includes land, water sources, homes, equipment, cattle, crops and other means of livelihood. This complete lack of resources and assets will have major repercussions for the recovery period. They have also missed their planting season due to the conflict, subsequently there will be no harvest in October and no seeds for next year's planting season. As a result, a protracted food crisis well into 2005 is inevitable. The current rains are coming to an end, leaving behind a trail of destruction and disease.

Widespread flooding has caused a rapid increase in water borne diseases in camps, respiratory infections are on the rise among children due to lack of shelter from the driving rains and roads have been cut off further isolating many people.

While access by International NGOs has been eased over the past couple of months and major efforts are currently underway, it is important to recognise the value of coordination with local NGOs and to appreciate their advice and input. Local NGOs have more direct involvement with the grassroots affected communities, host and displaced communities and an in-depth knowledge and familiarity with the overall socio-political situation of Darfur. In addition to the deteriorating humanitarian situation, recent reports indicate that violence is on the increase. During September 2004, fighting between government and rebels intensified, and banditry increased. This insecurity forced more people to flee their homes, causing a continued influx of people into South Darfur in particular. In some cases, tension between displaced people and government officials is increasing, as are clashes between the different rebel groups. There are reports of the emergence of small arms among the Internally Displaced People (IDP) themselves and in the camps, posing a threat of outbreaks of violence within the camps. As Jan Pronk told the Security Council last week, if not properly addressed, the on-going violence in Darfur could create the conditions for a widening regional, if not global, confrontation.

The current presence of 150 African Union Human Rights monitors and 300 troops to protect them is clearly insufficient to deal with the enormity of the problem.

Despite the ceasefire in April 2004 and the recent UN Resolution, violence continues and is escalating. There is no guarantee for the safety of the civilians whether they remain in the camps or return to their villages. The on-going insecurity continues to hamper humanitarian access to certain areas.

Not only are the IDPs suffering, but also the communities which have taken them in and have seen their meagre resources depleted over the past few months, leaving them facing acute food shortages. There is a major shortfall in the amount of food needed and financial resources available.

The World Food Programme (WFP) have indicated that number of people requiring food may increase to more than two million by October 2004 until the harvest in October/November 2005. Of WFP's overall requirement of US$252 million for its Darfur operations in 2004, the agency has so far received US$211 million, which means there is still a shortfall of US$41 million. The total amount sought by the UN consolidated Appeal 2004 for priority projects in Sudan is US$ 722 million of which US$ 434 million is still unmet as of August 2004. In light of the deteriorating humanitarian situation, the continued violence and insecurity, Trócaire calls on the Government of Ireland to support the following:

(1) Ensure protection for civilians, and respect the ceasefire

• Ongoing violence or the threat of violence is one of the key issues faced by civilians. Attacks (including rape, abductions and killings) are continuing, including attacks on IDPs. Women are constantly exposed to the threat of violence as they have to venture out of camps to find firewood.
  
  
• Better and more accountable policing is required; the culture of impunity must be ended. Humanitarian relief should to be given in a way that addresses protection - for example, considering pilot programmes in distributing charcoal or other fuel so that women do not need to leave the camps.
  
  
• Attacks by all parties must stop. The N'Djamena ceasefire agreement should be respected, and those responsible for attacks should be brought to justice.
  
  
• There are serious concerns about plans to establish "safe areas", given Trócaire's experience in other regions. This must not become a method of forcing people to move to certain designated areas. Displaced communities must be allowed to return to their own places of origin voluntarily, if and when they chose to do so.
  
  
• Those who are responsible for the planning and implementation of this campaign of violence must be brought to justice.
  
  
• Human rights must be respected throughout the region.

(2) Strengthen the African Union force

• The African Union (AU) has a key role to play and its involvement is welcome. The numbers of AU monitors and their protection force should be increased, and the mission's mandate significantly expanded so that it can effectively deal with the ongoing issue of security for civilians. As outlined by Special Representative Jan Pronk at the recent meeting of the Security Council, this should include ensuring the safety of IDPs in camps, monitoring the actions of police, guaranteeing the safe return of refugees and overseeing disarmament. Pronk advises that the force also act as a buffer between civilians and possible attackers.
  
  
• The reports of the monitoring team should be published promptly. (They are currently posted on the African Union website http://www.africa-union.org/, after some delay)
  
  
• The international community should provide support to the AU mission, while ensuring that control and ownership of the process remains in African hands. The support required includes finance, transport, logistics, accommodation, and communications.
  
  
• The mission should include a minimum number of women, and also training in gender-based violence for all observers, since this is a significant part of the war.

(3) Maintain diplomatic pressure on Sudan through the UN and other channels

• The international community should maintain diplomatic pressure on Khartoum, without exacerbating any sense of isolation or defensiveness. The Security Council must send a strong message to Khartoum that it has to keep to the promises made in several agreements on controlling and disarming the Janjaweed, allowing humanitarian access and protecting civilians. Effective monitoring and reporting on progress is also essential, with built-in timetables for review and possible further action.
  
  
• EU foreign ministers indicated in September they would consider imposing sanctions on Sudan at an unspecified time in the future. The EU already has an arms embargo on Sudan, which imports weapons from Russia and China. If the Government of Sudan does not adhere to the current UN Resolution, serious consideration must be given to calling for sanctions.

(4) No forced or coerced return/displacement

• The campaign by national and local government to have people return to their homes (or at least leave the camps) is a major worry. Any returns must be entirely voluntary and with informed consent, and must respect people's safety and dignity. Returnees must have their security assured, and have access to the basics of life in their villages. Displaced people who talk to international organisations must not be subject to subsequent arrest or intimidation.

(5) Allow access for humanitarian organizations

• Although the situation has improved, there must be no unreasonable restrictions on access for humanitarian personnel and materials.

(6) Facilitate the flow of information to the IDPs

• The majority of IDPs have little or no information on what is happening in Darfur in relation to peace talks or the political situation in general. They have a right to such information and this should be encouraged at national and local level.

(7) Provide the necessary resources for the relief effort

• Governments must provide the necessary resources for the relief effort. Several UN appeals (such as those by the WFP and UNHCR) are currently under subscribed.

(8) Tackle the root causes of the conflict

• The causes of the conflict must be addressed, involving local leadership as well as the rebel movements (SLM/A and JEM). Community leaders in Darfur should be involved, and local-level dispute-resolution mechanisms should be encouraged and revived.
  
  
• Talks between the GoS and the rebels must be engaged in meaningfully by all parties.

(9) Peace for Sudan as a whole

• Any peace agreement reached for Darfur must be workable in terms of the North- South peace process. If implemented, the Naivasha peace agreements would alter the nature of government in Northern Sudan, provide a role for the SPLM/A in governing the North, and lead to a new constitution for all of Sudan.
  
  
• The North-South negotiations are effectively stalled. It is important that the international focus on Darfur does not allow the momentum to be lost or the existing agreements to unravel.

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