Executive summary
This paper provides a synthesis of ten social and material systems functional within Mogadishu city. It looks into how the systems have been shaped by historical events and political systems that determine how they are managed, perform and accessed. In this research, the paper sought to provide a catalogue of information for these service sectors, that can form a foundation to other researchers. A combination of literature review and key informant interviews was employed for data collection.
The systems of Mogadishu city are managed through a hybrid governance setup with weak government oversight and the involvement of an extensive number of non-state actors supplying services across the city. The level of engagement by the Federal Government and the Benadir Regional Administration (BRA) varies across systems; however, in none of the systems are the state or the BRA the sole provider of services, and within some systems, such as sanitation and sewage, the state and the BRA is not present at all.
For most systems, there is some policy framework in place. As an example, in the education sector, there is a national curriculum, that schools are encouraged to follow. There is however no law or regulation dividing the responsibility between the Federal and state level and between the state and the BRA.
Similarly, there are no regulations governing sanitation in the city. There has nevertheless been progress in terms of legislation in areas such as the energy sector, where new policies and regulations were drafted and approved in the last three years as well as a new PPP policy, which in principle opens up the facilitation of private sector involvement in service delivery and regulation of the same.
Despite improved legislation covering some systems of the city, the technical capacity and financial resources to monitor compliance and ensure quality are limited in the BRA as well as in the Federal agencies. For most systems, service provision process, cost, and quality are not subject to oversight by the authorities. The exception to this is in areas where there is a high tax revenue potential. This is in particular the case in the transport sector where taxes are levied on vehicle imports, license plate registration, duties on imports via ports, and registration of public transport operators (all operated by private companies). Also, the food provision sector is heavily taxed by the BRA making food distribution costly for humanitarian actors. The only sector where there is significant public financial support is the health sector, where the Ministry of Health oversees the services provided through 61 (donor-funded) public health facilitates. The largest provider of health services however is the private sector which controls 105 health facilities and 49 clinics in the city.
With the exception of the rule of law system, and in part the health system, the private sector and the humanitarian actors are the sole providers of services across systems in Mogadishu. In the education sector, a mere 1% of children attend publicly funded schools, while 90% of the energy for public consumption is provided by 70 independent power providers.
The service provision across systems is governed by a complex interplay of actors, some systems are - on paper - regulated and taxed by the BRA, while other systems remain unregulated. Entrepreneurs and humanitarian actors are the main providers, with humanitarian actors mostly active in the outskirts of the city, while the private sector operators are more concentrated in the centre. In several systems there are middlemen and brokers engaged in facilitating service agreements between BRA and those delivering services. These brokers operate in a complex pattern negotiating contracts, road access, and land provision for each system. The brokerage includes the fiercely competitive large food contracts, public-private transport, and energy provision.
All systems are intrinsically linked to the political settlement in the city. The most important factor governing service delivery is the ability to provide financial facilitation for contracts and investments. When it comes to rule of law, clans and elders play an important role as formal justice system is viewed as slow and its integrity questioned by the citizens in Mogadishu.
Consequently, 90% of cases are settled outside the court system. The political settlement also means that key government positions in the BRA, courts, and police are distributed among clan lines. The same accounts for leadership positions in ministries and line agencies including health officials.
Service providers will also have to navigate the omnipresence of al-Shabaab in the city. All private operators are expected to pay taxes to al-Shabaab and in some cases, they will need to seek approval for operations in the city outskirts.
Unregulated taxation is applied at roadblocks where local militia, as well as al-Shabaab and the government, require payments to pass, increasing the cost of services. In addition, human rights abuses including gender-based violence (GBV) are a regular feature at the roadblocks.
Access to services across systems is a challenge for the poorer and more vulnerable segments in Mogadishu. In addition to the concerns related to the roadblocks, access is restrained by the high cost of transportation which is required to reach many service stations. The number of service facilities in the outskirts of the city, where IDPs reside, is significantly less than in the centre. Most services also bear a cost which makes them unaffordable for IDPs and informal settlers.
All systems are gendered and access to services across systems is impacted by gender inequalities. As an example, latrines are few in informal settlements and often not existing in schools, which means that girls are less likely to attend school. Similarly, public-private transport arrangements and roadblocks pose a GBV threat to women travelling on their own.
Overall, money and clan affiliation as well as distance are the main obstacles to accessing services, and as a result, the city systems in Mogadishu are only enjoyed by an exclusive group of citizens.