Somalia: Mogadishu fact sheet - Mar 2006

OVERVIEW OF HUMANITARIAN ENVIRONMENT IN MOGADISHU

While the needs of Mogadishu's most vulnerable populations remain high, since the collapse of the government in 1991, ongoing civil disturbances and clan rivalries in the capital have not only interfered with humanitarian relief operations but also prevented any broad based economic development. A dozen factional leaders have divided the city into armed zones yet not one has legitimate authority in the area of their claim. New warlords are also continually emerging all of whom compete for the control of the city's sixteen districts. Targeted kidnappings and violence against Somali nationals and humanitarian workers continues. Recent assassinations include a BBC journalist (May 2005), the Somali peace activist Abdul Qadir Yahya (July 2005) and an attempt on the life of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) Prime Minister (November 2005).

The humanitarian operating environment in Mogadishu remains unpredictable and insecure, resulting in extremely limited access (classified by the United Nations Department for Safety and Security (UNDSS) as the optimal phase of insecurity at Phase V). Provision of aid is further complicated by the need to ensure equity among opposing clans. However, despite this civil insecurity, Mogadishu (capital of Benadir region with an estimated population of 1.5-2 million people) remains the financial and commercial centre of south/central Somalia. Business has actually managed to thrive in one sector; Mogadishu leads the East African market in telecommunications, the Internet and a modern communications network, including local cellular telephone systems with international connections via satellite. One of the reasons for this success is the absence of any form of government which has yielded free trade without taxes or regulatory expenditures, thus making business cheap. However, businesses have to hire heavily armed militias to provide security against freelance gunmen who roam the city. Since control of resources in the city remain mostly in the hands of a few competing faction leaders, any revenues collected do not go towards any public services. This leaves thousands in the city to fend for themselves with no access to any kind of basic social services.

The main market in Mogadishu (Bakara) offers a broad range of goods from food to electronic gadgets and also arms. A report (2005) to the UN Security Council indicated a significant increase in arms transactions in the market (despite an arms embargo), which underscores the militant and potentially violent nature of the operational environment. In the absence of a formal banking sector, money exchange services are widely available in Mogadishu handling between US$750 million to1 billion in remittances from diaspora overseas (throughout the country) annually. This money is much more than what the country receives in aid; it triggers trade and averts a worse humanitarian crisis. The lack of government also means that the US dollar is the currency of choice -- even Internally Displaced People (IDPs) beg in hard currency. The city also has several radio stations, two television broadcasters, a Somali Institute for Management and Administration and a university. In 2005, Mogadishu University was ranked among the top 100 African universities and placed 79th in Africa - preceding well-known old universities in academic institutions in the continent.

North and South Mogadishu are linked by road networks, most of which are in need of repair and reconstruction. Travel within the city is often hindered by militia-controlled roadblocks and checkpoints, at which the public and aid partners must pay to pass and goods are sometimes looted. Three airstrips function close to Mogadishu: Issiley, Dayniile and K50 (50 kilometers outside Mogadishu). For security reasons UN flights land at K50, while some INGOs use Issiley airstrip and the Red Cross also occasionally uses Daynile. Towards the end of 2005, civil society has put increasing pressure on political authorities to improve security in the city. This did lead to some roadblocks being dismantled, however, the attempts were not entirely successful. No doubt in the future, greater involvement by civil society - in particular women's' groups - could lead to positive change in the city.

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