Informing humanitarians worldwide 24/7 — a service provided by UN OCHA

Serbia + 1 more

Rebuilding Kosovo

By Samuel R. Berger

(The following, written by President Clinton's National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger, first appeared as an Op-Ed in the June 10, 2000 edition of The Washington Post. This is in the public domain; there are no copyright restrictions.)

(begin text)

Rebuilding Kosovo By Samuel R. Berger

One year ago today, Serb military forces began their withdrawal from Kosovo. NATO's American-led 79-day campaign succeeded in ending years of violent repression that had culminated in a grotesque campaign of mass expulsion that endangered stability and peace in the region. As Elie Wiesel said a year ago, "This time, the world was not silent."

When the conflict ended, President Clinton stressed that, having prevailed in war, we would have to work hard to secure the peace. One year later, what has been accomplished? The short answer is: more than most people think, less than is needed.

The international presence in Kosovo has involved a NATO-led force (KFOR) from nearly 40 countries, including 5,500 Americans, as well as Russian troops, and a civilian effort under the United Nations (UNMIK). This combined enterprise has been supported primarily by our allies. Europeans are providing more than 80 percent of the troops and 75 percent of the funds for administration and reconstruction. Others, including Japan, are also making significant contributions.

KFOR and UNMIK have accomplished a great deal, building security and governing institutions out of chaos. Within days of arrival, KFOR created security conditions that allowed some 1.2 million people, many who were living in tents in Albania and Macedonia, to return. KFOR seized from combatants (both Serb and Albanian) more than 15,000 small arms, 30,000 mines and 7.5 million rounds of ammunition. There are still too many weapons in Kosovo today, but KFOR clearly has made an important impact.

The civilian effort also has helped improve security. More than 3,500 international police, including 540 Americans, patrol Kosovo's streets. A police academy has been running since last fall, and by the end of this year some 4,000 trained local police will be on the streets.

Police, however, cannot do their jobs without a functioning judicial system. Building one is one of the greatest challenges UNMIK faces. In a year, it has developed a penal code from scratch, established 47 courts, trained judges, appointed more than 300 local judges and prosecutors and built a detention system. This legal system has begun to function, although many courts are not unbiased and the crime rate remains far too high.

A year ago, the people of Kosovo returned to destroyed homes, schools and clinics. A massive relief effort carried them through a rough winter. Now the task turns to reconstruction. More than 25,000 homes will be rebuilt this year with international funding. Visitors to Kosovo today are struck by the sights and sounds of construction everywhere. The European Union also is tackling Kosovo's serious infrastructure problems including decaying roads and a woefully inadequate power system.

Appreciable progress has been made in the last year. More is needed in this second year. First, the cycle of inter-ethnic violence must be broken. The ugly residue of oppression and score-settling persists. The murder rate has declined by 90 percent in the past year, but in recent weeks there has been an intensified campaign in some local areas to intimidate the Serb minority. Ethnic Albanian leaders must see that these actions, which included the recent killing of a 4-year-old child and a 72-year-old grandmother, are stopped.

The pace of transformation to self government must also be accelerated. Local elections this fall will be the first democratic elections in Kosovo's history. They should be followed by the development of interim institutions of autonomy that Kosovo needs to govern itself, including the creation of a Kosovo-wide parliament. These interim arrangements must protect the rights of all Kosovars, including minorities. The Albanian majority must accept that failure to protect minorities will undermine its own aspirations for Kosovo's future.

Eventually, Kosovo's status must be addressed through an international process, which will take account of the interests of all the people of Kosovo but also of the region and the international community. Development of a post-Milosevic, democratic Serbia will be key to resolution of this status.

A year ago, Western democracies stood against a rampage of ethnic cleansing that threatened the peace of Europe and the shared values of our transatlantic community. One year later, progress on the ground is significant, but incomplete. Continued progress will enable us to reduce our presence. But we must stay the course. What is at stake is whether, together with the Europeans, we can do over time for Kosovo and Southeast Europe what we did for Western Europe after World War II and Central Europe after the collapse of communism: integrate them into a democratic, undivided Europe where the prospect of yet another European war is unthinkable.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web Site: http://usinfo.state.gov)