Attachments
Dr. Aisha Hutchinson
1. Introduction
Since 2011 over a million Syrian refugees have arrived in Lebanon, with most recent estimates in 2019 indicating that Lebanon continues to host the highest number of displaced per capita in the world [1]. This has placed a significant strain on social and economic resources, and has required an unprecedented response by the Lebanese Government in every sector of governance, as well as the humanitarian community [1-4]. The predominant location of refugees in host communities and informal tented settlements has particular implications for their care and protection [4, 5]. Syrian refugees in Lebanon continue to live in conditions below humanitarian standards and are becoming more economically vulnerable [6]. The protracted nature of the ‘crisis’ also brings additional challenges and has increased the risk of refugees resorting to negative coping strategies to survive, such as child labour and child marriage [6, 7].
Child marriage (marriage under 18 years of age) is a form of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), with huge implications for the realisation of the sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHRs) of the girl child [8]. A recent study by UNICEF on child marriage across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) highlights that, while rates of child marriage in the region are in steady decline (and have been below global averages), conflict in the region threatens this progress [9]. The report warns that even national data indicating low levels of child marriage may mask much higher rates within sub-populations, particularly those affected by conflict in the region. The prevalence and nature of child marriage in Lebanon varies significantly by nationality. According to a baseline survey conducted by UNICEF in 2015-2016, 6% of Lebanese women aged 20 to 24 years had married before the age of 18, compared to 12% of Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon, 25% of Palestinian refugees from Syria, and 40.5% of Syrian refugees [10].
While rates of child marriage have been higher in Syria than Lebanon in recent years, research indicates that current rates of child marriage amongst Syrian refugees in Lebanon are higher than previous rates in Syria before the conflict [11, 12]. A study undertaken by Women’s Refugee Commission (WRC) in partnership with John Hopkins University, International Medical Corps (IMC), International Rescue Committee (IRC), Kachin Development group and the Arab Institute for Women (AIM) at the Lebanese America University (LAU), recently found that in the south of Lebanon roughly 1 in 7 Syrian refugee adolescent girls are married before 18 years of age, and 1 in 5 are married by 19 years of age [13, 14]. The same study found that 94.8% of married adolescent girls were not in school.
Despite a lack of robust prevalence data on the impact of humanitarian contexts on child marriage, current evidence available indicates that rates can significantly increase in humanitarian emergencies and prolonged displacement alike [15-20]. This is often because of concerns about protection or because it is used as negative coping strategy in response to poverty, especially in affected populations using dowry or bride price [6, 16]. However, there are many drivers associated with child marriage, as well as many different negative outcomes [21-23]. Child marriage has, therefore, become a priority for humanitarian and United Nation (UN) organisations working with children or in response to sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in Lebanon [24-28]. Due to the common occurrence of child marriage and complexity of drivers and outcomes, there is an increased recognition of the need for coordinated responses to child marriage, and multi-agency and multi-sectorial responses [9, 28]. Key sectors include those involved in child protection, sexual and gender- based violence (SGBV), education, maternal and infant health, reproductive health, livelihoods, the justice system, personal status law, mental health and youth empowerment [9].
Responses to child marriage have been made by various agencies since Syrian refugees began to arrive in Lebanon [1, 28-30]. Nine years on, it is essential that we take stock, map and review the responses to child marriage in Lebanon to inform the current momentum that is taking place through the UNICEF/UNFPA led Regional Action Plan to End Child Marriage, the child marriage strategy that is being developed by the Ministry of Social Affairs (MoSA) with support from UNICEF and the RDFL led coalition to change the minimum age of marriage in Lebanon. Through this study, policy and practice responses to child marriage in Lebanon have been mapped through a review of relevant literature and 25 semi-structured qualitative interviews on policies and approaches to child marriage. The aim of the interviews was to document the responses made to child marriage in Lebanon, the approaches and policies used, and the main challenges and gaps.