The Information Ecosystem in Afghanistan and Implications for Humanitarian Action

Information ecosystems are dynamic and responsive, changing with time and circumstances. As a result, ongoing review and study of information ecosystems Is necessary to understand these dynamics and changes and to inform communication practices. This Is especially true in humanitarian settings, where people experience major shocks. Humanitarian responders need a strong understanding of information and communication dynamics and shifts to ensure they maintain accountability to affected populations, use feedback from communities to Inform programming, and include affected communities across programme cycles.

The Taliban (referred to as the de facto authorities or DFA) takeover of Afghanistan in August 2021 led to major restrictions on personal freedoms, and subsequently media and information access. Within a few months, almost half of media outlets had stopped operations, with extreme employment cuts for those working in journalism, especially women. The Taliban's return to power resulted in restrictions on all segments of Afghan society, most notably women. Immediately after the DFA returned to power, Afghans began to self-censor on social media and in daily interactions because of uncertainty and fear of what they could say. This has continued. Since, the DFA have become more established, restrictions on women and girls have become stricter. This limits their access to information through informal sources such as bakeries, beauty salons, and schools. Women are thus less likely to be informed than men. While conventional media sources like TV and radio still exist, their content is subject to censorship and self-censorship. As a result, public trust in information sources as well as access to reliable and dependable information has diminished.

To understand the impacts of these changes to information and access and behaviours, Internews commissioned a study between May and July of 2023 to analyse the information ecosystem in Afghanistan. This research built on previous assessments conducted in Afghanistan by Internews, with the aim to highlight any significant impacts since August 2021. The study adopted a mixed-methods approach composed of a literature review, 997 phone surveys covering all 34 provinces of Afghanistan, and 42 in-depth and in-person interviews in three provinces, all of which included both male and female respondents. The qualitative data collection sought to understand how lives had been affected by changes in information access. To illustrate this, four stories are shared to humanise the research findings through the voices of respondents in Afghanistan. The narratives and findings also present opportunities for humanitarians to collaborate with communities based on their needs to enhance both the quality and accessibility of essential information.

This report details the findings of the study and provides insights into how to conduct and replicate similar information ecosystem analyses to improve and support humanitarian action.

KEY FINDINGS

• The main media platforms/channels people use to receive information depends on their location. For example, in urban areas 82% of respondents owned a TV compared to less than half of rural respondents. Urban respondents more frequently relied on TV and social media to access Information, while rural respondents relied more on word-of-mouth. Radio Is a common source of news for many Afghans, both urban and rural. As many radio and TV channels disbanded or changed since the Taliban retook Kabul, peoples' sources of Information have also changed. n While respondents spend significant amounts of time on social media (primarily Facebook, followed by WhatsApp), the public sharing of information on these platforms is relatively low. Social media platforms are predominantly used to receive information from public channels or for private communication. n People trust information that is accessible, understandable, and relevant. Both formal (public Institutions, health organisations, humanitarian organisations) and Informal (mosques, shuras, alley representatives, schools, madrasas) were highly trusted depending on context.

• There was decreased trust in media (including state media, private media, online news, and news content shared online and via social media). Trust in media among women decreased more significantly than men.

• Trust in online news decreased less than in traditional media (TV, radio, newspapers), but lack of regulation and the spread of “fake news” has made many suspicious of its reliability. Information received via word of mouth remains a trusted source of information; people are likely to trust their own experiences and those of family, friends, and close community members. This is especially true among women. When trust in government is low, people rely on local leaders, teachers, heads of households, and doctors for information needed for decision making.

• Trust Is closely linked to proximity. People trust eye-witness accounts, families and friends, religious and community leaders, teachers, students, colleagues, and clients. Trust can be rebuilt via results. The main concern is whether the information being shared reflects peoples' experiences. Trust Increases when people can verify Information and see their feedback turned into action.

• Trust in humanitarian organisations has decreased. Humanitarian organisations are trusted as entities themselves, but their information and processes are not. Miscommunication about aid services, eligibility, and the process of receiving assistance has led to confusion and mistrust. While aid institutions themselves are not seen as untrustworthy, the inability to get reliable information on processes around humanitarian aid has caused scepticism as many feel distributions are unjust. People are unsatisfied with the current complaint and feedback mechanisms (CFM) and lack information on how to use CFMs and contact humanitarians. Communities thus tend to rely on elevating Issues to community leaders (rather than the government or humanitarian organizations). This can be very limiting for women and girls, or for people trying to raise sensitive issues.

• Afghan callers to complaint and feedback lines do not only use these hotlines to provide feedback or complaints on humanitarian assistance, but as a way to share their frustrations and express despair, highlighting the need for open two-way communication systems that do not focus solely on humanitarian assistance.

• Two-way information flow Is key to building trust and tackling rumours. The preference and need for two-way information is evidenced both In the current dissatisfaction with humanitarian communication channels as well as the use of CFMs as a way to voice additional needs and concerns, not simply to provide feedback on humanitarian assistance.

• Restrictions on women's participation also affects women's access to information and the production on female-focused content, including on health. Wo- men are more likely than men to face challenges and restrictions to accessing information. Illiteracy is a bar- rier to accessing the internet and social media (the literacy rate for women Is 33%, compared to 50% for men). Women are more likely to rely on informal spaces (bakeries, home visits, beauty salons) than men for information sharing and verification. The closure of beauty salons in July 2023 thus had a negative impact on women's access to information. Information gaps on jobs and livelihoods, education, and women’s rights are reported by all age groups. Women most frequently mentioned that they lack informa- tion on women’s rights and gender-related issues (68%), jobs and livelihoods (67%), and education-related news and updates (67%). Men reported needing more information on jobs and livelihoods (64%), followed by information on deve- lopment and humanitarian initiatives (59%).

• Age Is an important factor in determining where people turn for information. Older people are more likely to rely on TV, although 50% of respondents 25 years or younger also rely on TV. Older people are less informed and more likely to re- port lacking information on national/government-related issues. They are also slightly more likely to report lacking information in other areas. However, local elders and community leaders are still the people who community members (58%) turn to when they need to fill Information gaps. Younger people are more likely to rely on social media and less likely to rely on community spaces to access information. However, word of mouth Is similarly important for all age groups.

• Geographic location impacts access to information. Most urban respondents own a TV (82%), compared to less than half of rural respondents. Respondents in urban settings also rely more frequently on TV and social media than their rural counterparts, who relied more heavily on information via word of mouth. Women in particular trus- ted information from their peers more than other sources. There was less variation regarding owning a radio, which is a common source of news for many Afghans. Coverage and infrastructure are correlated with the urban-rural divide; those in urban settings have more access (73%) compared to peri-urban (54%) and rural (43%) respondents.

• Community councils were once a key source of infor- mation for communities but have since been restricted or disbanded due to lack of funding. While indigenous patterns of communication still exist, trust in leadership has decreased, mostly due to confusion around aid eligibility and feelings of unfairness as to who is receiving assistance from humanitarian organisations. However, people continue to mullahs, Imams, shuras, alley representatives, tea- chers, colleagues, classmates, service providers, fami- lies, and friends to receive and validate information.