- Southern Africa: Armyworm Infestation - Jan 2017
- Southern Africa: Floods - Jan 2017
- Southern Africa: Food Insecurity - 2015-2017
- Mozambique/Malawi: Cholera Outbreak - Feb 2015
- Southern Africa: Floods - Jan 2015
- Tropical Cyclone Hellen - Mar 2014
- Mozambique: Floods - Jan 2013
- Tropical Storm Irina - Mar 2012
- Mozambique: Storms and Floods - Jan 2012
- Southern Africa: Floods - Jan 2011
SADC and Maputo should be very concerned about the spike in terrorist-type violence.
BY PETER FABRICIUS
A sudden upsurge in brutal violence in northern Mozambique, including the beheadings of women and children, has sounded alarms that a violent jihadist movement like Boko Haram or al-Shabaab could be evolving. Since October last year, over 50 people have been killed in about 20 attacks in Cabo Delgado province on the Tanzania border.
It’s unclear if new leadership will steer Renamo towards parliamentary politics or election boycotts and violence.
BY PETER FABRICIUS
The sudden death on 3 May of Afonso Dhlakama, leader of the Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) party, has created both risks and opportunities for his party and the country. The 65-year-old Dhlakama saw himself as a champion of Mozambique’s democracy, but was a hands-on dictator within Renamo.
The international debate packages the problem neatly, but offers few solutions for Africa.
31 JUL 2017 BY / BY TUESDAY REITANO
Combating human trafficking has become one of the biggest global challenges, attracting high-level pledges of support from world leaders, especially in the West.
Ignoring some countries’ problems will result in humanitarian tragedies that affect entire regions of Africa.
While the situations in South Sudan, Somalia and the Lake Chad Basin dominate the agenda of the African Union (AU), other crises seem to have been forgotten by the AU. In fact, no one seems willing to label them as such.
Women’s rights are fundamental to human security and sustainable peace. The African Union’s Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol) guarantees the rights and equality of women on the continent and complements the global women, peace and security agenda. But case studies of Malawi, South Sudan, Somalia and Mozambique reveal that the implementation of the Maputo Protocol is slow and patchy.
Dans ce numéro
Renewed violence in South Sudan
The major outbreak of violence in the South Sudanese capital of Juba this past week caused hundred of deaths. The violence, which has also displaced 30 000 people, continues despite a joint call by President Salva Kiir and Vice-President Riek Machar to stop the clashes. This raises questions about their control over their respective factions.
In this issue
Special focus: 27th AU Summit, Kigali Women’s rights and the African Union Commission (AUC) elections top the agenda of the AU summit from 10–18 July 2016
Candidates for the position of AUC chairperson are campaigning in the run-up to the elections.
The chairperson of the AUC has over the years taken on more and more responsibility to drive change in Africa.
In the first six months of 2016 the Peace and Security Council (PSC) had a lot on its plate. A brief overview of the crises and PSC decisions in this period reveals the complexity of the council’s work.
In the more than two decades since Mozambique’s civil war ended and its first multiparty elections were held, the country still faces persistent social, political, economical and developmental challenges. What have been some of the main drivers and threats to Mozambique’s peace? This paper examines the plans and processes that have been developed in the pursuit of national stability. It also highlights current and future challenges for continued consolidation of peace.
Since mid-2015, over 3 000 refugees from Mozambique have fled to neighbouring Malawi and are being housed in camps set up by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees.
This monograph is a study of the security sector in six Southern African countries, namely Botswana, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe. It highlights the strengths and challenges of the various institutions that make up the security sector, including defence, police, prisons, intelligence, private security, oversight bodies and the policy and legal frameworks under which they operate.
In 2009, seventeen years after the civil war ended in Mozambique, its government still found it necessary to address the reintegration of some 100 000 former combatants, even though the completion of this process, supported by international partners and the United Nations (UN), had been announced in 1994. This raises the question of why Mozambique, a country whose peace settlement and Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes had been considered so successful, found it necessary to attend anew to the needs of former fighters.
Gugu Dube, Dominique Dye (Junior Researchers) & Noël Stott, Senior Research Fellow, Arms Management Programme, ISS Pretoria
From the 9th - 11 September 2009, representatives from African states participated in the 3rd Continental Conference of African Experts on Landmines. The conference was hosted by the Government of the Republic of South Africa, in collaboration with the African Union (AU) and with the financial support of the European Union.
When the colonial order ended in Africa,
a myriad of problems confronted the new African nations. According to a
recent study 16 wars took place between 1990 and 1997 in Africa. Of these,
14 were intrastate conflicts (Algeria, Angola, Chad, Ethiopia, Liberia,
Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Uganda,
Western Sahara, and the Republic of Congo). Only 2 were interstate (Chad/Libya
Mozambique's bloody civil war came back to haunt it after a depot containing old weapons exploded, killing more than 80 people and injuring hundreds more in a fiery cascade of ignited rockets and ammunition.
In theory, democratic elections are an important political process that help to determine the success or failure of a country's overall political response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. For political parties, election campaigns offer opportunities to raise awareness and spread information about HIV/AIDS, while competing for votes on the basis of how they would fight the epidemic if elected.
This monograph reviews existing literature on two episodes of forced migration to South Africa. The first is the flight and reception of between 250,000 and 350,000 Mozambicans during that country's civil war in the 1980s. The second is an influx of people to South Africa from what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) beginning in the early 1990s and continuing to this day.
The reception of the Mozambican refugees of the mid-1980s was shaped by a subtle and variegated cocktail of national apartheid politics and local interests and sensibilities.
MARTIN R RUPIYA
The African continent is the only region in the world that has not been able to feed itself since the mid-1970s and is unlikely to do so in the future unless radical policy changes are made to current practice. Food shortages occurring in north, west, central and southern Africa have received relief from food aid, sourced by UN agencies, generally1 from the developed North. Yet, this alternative is not a suitable panacea for addressing the fundamental problem of food insecurity in future.
By Ailsa Holloway
AFRICAN SECURITY REVIEW