Appeals & Response Plans
- Myanmar: Floods and Landslides - Jul 2017
- Tropical Cyclone Mora - May 2017
- Myanmar: Floods - Jun 2016
- Tropical Cyclone Roanu - May 2016
- South-East Asia: Drought - 2015-2017
- Tropical Cyclone Komen - Jul 2015
- Myanmar: Floods and Landslides - Jul 2015
- Myanmar: Floods - Jul 2014
- Myanmar: Floods - Aug 2013
- Tropical Cyclone Mahasen - May 2013
Maps & Infographics
Most read (last 30 days)
- "Toxic fear" The situation of children in Rakhine State, Myanmar
- Disaster preparedness for states and regions
- Asia and the Pacific: Weekly Regional Humanitarian Snapshot (27 December 2017- 2 January 2018)
- Public Health Statistics (2014‐2016)
- Will Rohingya Refugees Start Returning to Myanmar in 2018?
As ethnic conflict and refugee displacement continue in Myanmar’s borderlands, the country now stands at a crossroads. After decades under military rule, the 21st Century Panglong Conference has been welcomed as the most important initiative to achieve countrywide peace and political reform since the Panglong Conference of February 1947. Worrying failings, however, are starting to appear, raising many warnings from the country’s troubled history.
As initiatives continue towards political reform and peace-building in Myanmar, land rights and human settlement is one of the most integral challenges facing the country. Nearly seven decades of internal war have had a devastating impact, with consequences still felt today. There are presently over 1.1 million civilians displaced, especially in ethnic borderland areas where most of the fighting has taken place. Over the years, the patterns of civil war have fluctuated, causing the refugee and IDP crises to vary nationally and locally over time.
While the first move of Aung San Suu Kyi has been to form a national reconciliation government, followed by restructuring, streamlining and planning so that her administration can function, the handling of the country’s faltering peace process has now risen to become one of the most urgent and essential challenges on the NLD's must-do list.
• Myanmar has suffered from decades of civil war and military rule. Addressing the structural roots of violence, including gendered inequality, are crucial in order to build a sustainable peace. It is essential to analyse conflict, violence and human insecurity within a social context that is shaped by gender inequality. Women are involved in and affected by civil war as victims, survivors and agents of conflict and peace in specific ways which are often different from the experiences of men.
Third Myanmar Opium Farmers’ Forum
14 December 2015 - Report
Current drug control polices in South-east Asia are repressive and criminalise opium farmers, greatly affecting the lives of communities cultivating opium. Most policy responses – including from some armed opposition groups – focus on eradication of poppy fields and the implementation of strict bans on opium cultivation.
Jennifer FrancoPietje VervestTom Kramer Alberto Alonso Fradejas, Hannah Twomey 16 February 2015
Myanmars National Land Use Policy promises to make profound changes to the current economic, social, and political-institutional landscape. This is an important step given Myanmars complex history of political and armed conflict and protracted displaced populations. More so because land policymaking tends to involve simplification, putting aside real-life facts and phenomena that potentially derail formal-legal standardization agendas.
Kevin Woods Daniel Aguirre
Myanmar is in the process of formulating an investment law and a land use policy that when combined will lay the foundations of development for the country. As it stands, these proposed instruments could have an adverse impact on human rights, and in particular land rights.
With these texts being shaped by international financial institutions and foreign governments, the concern is that these instruments will undemocratically privilege the “rights” of the powerful over the rights of those affected by their investments.
TNI's indepth examination of the illegal drug market in the Golden Triangle, which has a witnessed a doubling of opium production, growing prison populations and repression of small-scale farmers. This report details the failure of ASEAN's 'drug free' strategy and the need for a new approach.
The 2014 Census, Identity and Citizenship in Burma/Myanmar
24 February 2014
The 2014 Population and Housing Census is likely to undertake the most significant ethnic and political boundary-making in Burma/Myanmar since the last British census in 1931. However, by using flawed designations from the colonial era and ignoring the complexity of the present political landscape, the census is likely to raise ethnic tensions at precisely the moment that peace negotiations are focused on building trust.
Conclusions and Recommendations
The government should halt all offensive operations against the KIO and other armed ethnic forces. Armed conflict will worsen – not resolve – Burma’s ethnic and political crises. The violence contradicts promises to achieve reform through dialogue, and undermines democratic and economic progress for the whole country.
‘Land grabbing’ re-emerged in the context of a spike in global food prices in 2007-2008. It was initially focused on new players potentially acquiring vast areas of land in developing nations. Today it is clear that this framing of land grabbing obscured more than it was able to illuminate. It is important to unpack what land grabbing really involves if we are to understand what is really happening.
Land grabbing is an urgent concern for people in Tanintharyi Division, and ultimately one of national and international concern, as tens of thousands of people are being displaced for the Dawei Special Economic Zone (SEZ). Dawei lies within Myanmar’s (Burma) southernmost region, the Tanintharyi Division, which borders Mon State to the North, and Thailand to the East, on territory that connects the Malay Peninsula with mainland Asia. This highly populated and prosperous region is significant because of its ecologically-diversity and strategic position along the Andaman coast.
Burma Policy Briefing Nr 9
The people of Burma/Myanmar are at a critical juncture in their struggle for democracy and ethnic reform. Decisions taken by leading parties and protagonists in the months ahead could well define the direction of national politics for many years to come. After decades of conflict and military-dominated government, an epochshaping time has arrived.
The breakdown in the ceasefire of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) with the central government represents a major failure in national politics and threatens a serious humanitarian crisis if not immediately addressed.
Following new eruptions of violence in Northern Myanmar multiple civil society organizations issued this statement calling for urgent international engagement and dialogue to support non-military solutions.
Burma Policy Briefing Nr 6 May 2011
On 30 March 2011, Burma’s ruling military junta handed over power to a quasi-civilian government. Whether these changes represent the beginnings of ‘genuine’ democratic transition, or just “old wine in a new bottle” has been the focus of discussion. One of the most important challenges facing the country have been less analyzed: addressing ethnic minority grievances and resolving the multiple, decades-long conflicts.
The number of Karen people in Burma (or Myanmar, as the country is officially called) is unknown, with estimates varying between three and seven million, speaking a dozen related, but mutually non-intelligible, dialects. The majority of Karen people are Buddhists, with perhaps 20% Christians, and small numbers of animists who live mostly in remote areas.
2010 is set to become Burma's most important and defining year in two decades. The general election scheduled by the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) could well determine the country's political landscape for another generation. All institutions and parties are faced with the uncertainties of political transformation.
At this critical moment in Burma's history, it is still not certain whether the general election will prove an accepted step in the SPDC's seven-stage roadmap for political reform or become the basis for a new generation of grievances.
Later in 2010, Burma will hold its first elections in twenty years. These have been widely dismissed internationally as a charade, and Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy have refused to participate, condemning the governing legislation as "unfair" and "unjust".
However, despite the very obvious flaws in the process, it represents the most significant political transformation for a generation.