Democratic Republic of the CongoOngoing
- OCHA: Bulletin humanitaire R.D. Congo - Numéro 5 | novembre 2017
- OCHA : Sud-Kivu & Maniema : Note d’informations humanitaires du 05/12/2017
- IFRC: DRC: Population Movement DREF n° MDRCD022 Operations Update n°02
Appeals & Funding
- Appel Éclair: Plan de Réponse D’urgence Avril 2017
- Aperçu des besoins humanitaires 2017
- Plan de Réponse Humanitaire, Janvier 2017 - Décembre 2019
- FAO DRC Response Plan 2017–2018: Kasaï and Tanganyika Provinces
- 2017 South Sudan Regional Refugee Response Plan Revised (May 2017)
- UNHCR: South Sudan Situation Supplementary Appeal Jan - Dec 2017
- Burundi Regional Refugee Response Plan (RRRP): Jan–Dec 2017
- Country-based Pooled Fund
- DR Congo: Landslide - Aug 2017
- DR Congo: Ebola Outbreak - May 2017
- West Africa: Armyworm Infestation - Mar 2017
- DR Congo: Floods - Nov 2016
- Angola/DR Congo: Yellow Fever Outbreak - Jan 2016
- DR Congo: Floods - Nov 2015
- DR Congo: Ebola Outbreak - Aug 2014
- DR Congo: Cholera and Measles Outbreaks - Jan 2013
- DR Congo: Floods - Oct 2012
- DR Congo: Ebola Outbreak - Aug 2012
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The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) holds the paradoxical status of possessing a rich mineral wealth at the same time as being one of the world’s least developed countries. It is among the world’s largest suppliers of copper and cobalt, yet corruption and conflict have left it ranked 176th of 187 countries in the latest United Nations Human Development Index (2015). This disconnection is likely to become starker in light of recent violence and instability.
by Katharina P. Coleman
by Michael R. Snyder
Ebola has resurfaced in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), killing three people and infecting up to 17 others since April 22, the World Health Organization (WHO) announced this week. _Foreign Policy_ reports that the outbreak, which was discovered in the northern province of Lower Uele, is so far “isolated, remote, and small” and unrelated to the 2014-16 Ebola epidemic in West Africa, which killed over 11,300 people in Liberia, Guinea, and Sierra Leone.
Peace processes increasingly go beyond outlining cease-fires and dividing territory to incorporate elements that lay the foundations for peace and shape the structures of society. Yet by and large the participants who decide the former continue to decide the latter; the inclusion of others—those who did not take up arms, those who were working for peace, or significant portions of the population whose priorities for a peaceful society may differ— has not kept pace.
By Ryan Cummings
by Alex Fielding
The bombing by US military forces of a hospital in Afghanistan on October 3 has thrust the issue of respect for the laws of war into the spotlight. The attack on the medical facility run by Doctors Without Borders (also known as Médecins Sans Frontièrs, or MSF), which killed at least 22 civilians, may have violated international humanitarian law and has led to accusations by the medical charity that US military forces committed a “war crime.”
Last month, violent clashes erupted in the Central African Republic (CAR) after the killing and beheading of a 19-year-old Muslim in Bambari, allegedly by members of the Christian and animist militias known as the anti-Balaka. One year after African Union efforts in CAR were rolled into a United Nations mission, sectarian violence remains common, pointing to the urgent need for reforms to ensure stability ahead of general elections in October this year.
by Lamii Moivi Kromah
Efforts to stabilize the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) during the early 2000s assumed there was a complete lack of authority in those parts of the country not under formal state control. This was never the case according to management consultant Ian Quick, who previously worked with the United Nations stabilization mission in the country (MONUSCO).
In fact, there was a “very dense ecosystem of local actors and political and civic structures for regulating how people lived together,” Mr. Quick said.
The United Nations and African Union now deploy a record number of peacekeepers in Africa. In the past two years, the relationship between the two institutions has deepened, as new AU missions in Mali and the Central African Republic have transitioned into UN peacekeeping operations and ongoing missions in Somali and South Sudan have expanded considerably.
by Ryan Cummings
Mireille Affa'a Mindzie, George Mukundi Wachira, and Lucy Dunderdale
The “Africa rising” narrative has gained traction in recent years. But who, exactly, is rising? While statistics point to a continent whose fortunes have improved, many African citizens remain at the margins of socioeconomic development. And as recent citizen uprisings on the continent demonstrate, growth without effective democratic governance cannot ensure peace and stability.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the UN’s peacekeeping mission as a whole—not just the Intervention Brigade component—is a party to the conflict under international law. This is one of the key findings in a new IPI report examining the legal implications of the UN brigade’s unprecedented mandate to “neutralize” rebel groups.
New types of UN peacekeeping brigades could compromise the United Nations' basic principle of impartiality and put UN personnel, their families, and other organizations at risk, said Major General Patrick Cammaert, the former military advisor to the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations and former Eastern Division Commander to the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Now that most of the fighters from the rebel group M23 have surrendered, issues of reintegration and amnesty are key to ensuring that the group remains disbanded, said Arthur Boutellis, Research Fellow and Advisor to the Peace Operations in Africa Programs at the International Peace Institute.
To implement the new “Framework of Hope” signed by eleven member states from arguably the most troubled region of Africa requires the involvement of a wide cross-section of the population in each of the signatory countries, said Mary Robinson, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General to the Great Lakes region in Africa.
The unintended consequence of limiting humanitarian work because of counterterrrorism efforts in hot spots such as Somalia and Gaza is that it brings more suffering to civilians, said Jan Egeland, Secretary-General of the humanitarian NGO Norwegian Refugee Council.
“There was one case of a group who thought they could not give school feedings to kindergartens anymore because the headmaster was seen as being part of Hamas. Of course, a baby is a baby. A baby is neither left or right, or Islamist or Christian. A baby has needs, and those need to be covered.”
The fall of Goma to the M23 rebel group in November 2012 pushed the UN’s Department of Peacekeeping Operations to revisit its mission and mandate in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). After nearly fourteen years of peacekeeping in DRC, the UN is now deploying a new kind of “offensive” combat force—the Intervention Brigade—to break the cycles of violence by neutralizing and disarming rebel groups.
Interpreted by some as the UN’s first authorization for the use of offensive force, UN Security Council Resolution 2098 passed on March 29 and called for the deployment of an “intervention brigade” to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) that can use offensive combat operations to “neutralize and disarm” Congolese rebel groups, in particular the M23 rebels responsible for taking over Goma in the eastern DRC last year.
Ending impunity and promoting justice and reconciliation reflect core objectives underpinning the African Union. Amid renewed debate about justice and peace on the African continent, this report investigates the issue of impunity and its relationship with peace, justice, reconciliation, and healing.